Pink Makes Such Terrible Camouflage

It’s occurred to me to wonder what Cormac McCarthy’s post-apocalyptic novel “The Road” would be like if the two survivors were not a father and son but a mother and daughter. I picture the mother plodding through the ashy landscape, coughing, wishing she had some Kleenex. The daughter sulks and dreams about that cute boy at school. They pause to shoot a marauder. They raid a drugstore for tampons. They trudge on.

There are echoes of my fantasy in Margaret Atwood’s new novel “The Year of the Flood.” Where would women go to escape a genetically engineered global pandemic? The stern and lonely Toby has barricaded herself into a day spa called AnooYoo, where women once came for the latest rejuvenation and beauty modification treatments. Young Ren hides in her former workplace, a strip club called “Scales and Tails” where the performers dress up as exotic fish and birds. Both women happen to know a thing or two about survival. They are members of God’s Gardeners, a hippie religious group and sometime ecoterrorist cell.

Atwood’s book, like McCarthy’s, is dystopian fiction: it uses an imaginary future to represent or criticize the present. It’s the kind of science fiction that’s considered safe for literary writers. Orwell, Huxley, and Doris Lessing all tried it out, as have Kazuo Ishiguro (in “Never Let Me Go”), José Saramago (“Blindness”), and Jeanette Winterson (“The Stone Gods”). Atwood too, over her long and impressively varied career, has dabbled in dystopia, notably in her 1985 “The Handmaid’s Tale,” in which women are enslaved as child-bearers under a Christian fundamentalist regime.

“The Year of the Flood” is a sequel to Atwood’s 2003 novel “Oryx and Crake,” which predicted the end of the world through environmental catastrophe. In “Oryx and Crake,” the earth is becoming a depleted wasteland. The old species are rapidly disappearing, while medical corporations have begun manipulating genetic patterns to create new ones. In order to save the earth, Crake, a cynical young mad scientist, develops and releases a virus to wipe out the human race. His plan is to replace Homo Sapiens with a less destructive, more aesthetically pleasing species of his own design.

“The Year of the Flood” is a much livelier, more original, and in its own way more cheerful book. For one thing, it’s told by women, and so deals with the material, tampon-and-Kleenex conditions of female lives. It’s no surprise Toby and Ren find refuge in a beauty salon and a brothel: Atwood, a great satirist, is always amazed at what women are given to work with. (On a rescue mission dressed in one of the spa’s coveralls, Toby sighs that pink is a “terrible choice for camouflage.”) And while “Oryx and Crake” took aim at some obvious targets, including corporate greed, agribusiness, and genetic modification, the new book offers an unexpected, playful philosophy for change.

An Atwood novel generally starts at the end, then goes back to the beginning, usually her characters’ childhood: her sharpest social criticism often comes from children’s point of view. “The Year of the Flood” begins with Ren and Toby waiting out the plague, then narrates their past in the God’s Gardeners movement. Ren comes to the Gardeners as a child, dragged along in the wake of her mother’s sexual obsession with the mysterious Zeb, known as “Mad Adam.” The older Toby, whose parents have been murdered by a sinister pharmaceutical company, is rescued by the Gardeners from the clutches of a sadistic boss. Through their eyes, we learn about what turns out to be a fairly endearing set of heroes.

God’s Gardeners are a religious sect who believe that humans were put on earth to honor and protect God’s creation. Based in an urban jungle somewhere in what used to be the United States (Atwood, a Canadian, prefers to set her dystopias south of the border), they practice organic rooftop gardening, wear hand-dyed clothing that looks like it’s “been sewn by elves on hash,” eat turnips, steer clear of deodorant. Honoring such holy figures as Saint Maria Sibylla Merian, Saint Dian Fossey, and Saint Jacques Cousteau, they appear to be a “clutch of sweet but delusional eccentrics.” Yet their spiritual leader, Adam One, encourages the Gardeners not only to grow their own food and recycle but to learn survival techniques and maintain “Ararats,” by which he means stores of canned food for in the time of the “Waterless Flood.” The Gardeners have their defenses, too. As the group’s gentle herbalist remarks, “God wouldn’t have made poisonous mushrooms unless He intended us to use them sometimes.”

Adam One’s sermons are an affectionate and deeply funny parody of Christianity’s grappling with science and evolution. Discussing the Fall of Man for his devoutly vegetarian audience, Adam One comments, “Some say that the Fruit of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil was a fig, others prefer a date, yet others a pomegranate. It would have made sense for this foodstuff to be truly evil—a meat object, such as a beefsteak. Why then a Fruit? Because our Ancestors were fruitivores, without a doubt, and only a Fruit would have tempted them.”

Yet at the same time, they’re a semi-serious call to care about the environment, to honor all God’s creation as a reflection of the divine. Their rooftop Eden and bad vegan cooking won’t save the world. Still, Adam One believes they “must be a beacon of hope, because if you tell people there’s nothing they can do, they will do worse than nothing.”

An apocalyptic warning about the depletion of the earth is not what one might expect from Atwood, but she’s already shown herself to be a writer of many talents. Her settings have ranged from the 19th-century Canadian frontier (“Alias Grace”) to a Caribbean island in political turmoil (“Bodily Harm”). Power relations and politics are always themes in her fiction, sometimes in the foreground, sometimes as a backdrop to her favorite subject, strained power relations between men and women, adults and children. Familiar Atwood concerns turn up in “The Year of the Flood”: self-deception, rivalry between women, the bullying of girls by other girls. By the end of the book there are only a handful of people left in the world, yet they can’t let go of such old human habits as wanting to be found attractive. Atwood’s affection for her very human characters adds more layers to the book’s thematic richness.

“The Year of the Flood” has a narrative pattern typical of highly plotted, high-action novels: slow buildup, brief period of feverish action, sudden stop. But if the story is occasionally uneven, It doesn’t matter. This messy work of action-adventure philosophy is the most enjoyable novel Atwood has written in years. A third book is said to be in the works. I wonder what fresh thrills Atwood will get out of the advice to cultivate your garden.

Patron Saint of the Raised Eyebrow
The poet, essayist, and fiction writer Margaret Atwood (Ottawa, 1939) has not, in the past, been a fan of religion. Her 1985 novel “The Handmaid’s Tale” in particular portrayed fundamentalist Christianity as an enemy of women’s rights.
Her new novel, however, features heroes who are members of a Christian environmentalist movement and includes a number of their sermons, religious teachings, and amateurish hymns. Atwood’s publicity tour has taken on the atmosphere of a hippie religious revival, with a choir singing the hymns of “God’s Gardeners,” actors reading the parts of the characters, and the writer herself dancing up the aisle.

Does she mean it? In an interview in the Telegraph (UK), she speculated that religion might give humans some evolutionary advantages. ‘‘We seem to be hard-wired to have a belief system of some kind.” An extensive reading list on her website yearoftheflood.com includes such titles as “The Green Bible,” a Bible with all the passages that emphasize God’s care for creation highlighted in green ink. Yet she also seems to be doing all this with one eyebrow slightly raised, suggesting that Atwood the cynic hasn’t entirely converted into Atwood the believer.

Trouw, October 3, 2009. Margaret Atwood, The Year of the Flood (New York: Nan A. Talese/Doubleday, 2009).

In the beginning, before the Big Bang, all the matter in the universe was concentrated in a single point. Qfwfq can tell you about it: He was there. “Naturally, we were all there—where else could we have been? Nobody knew then that there could be space. Or time, either: What use did we have for time, packed in there like sardines?”

Qfwfq has been a mammoth, a dinosaur, and a single cell. He made the first sign in space, and analyzed it, too, getting the drop on Roland Barthes by a few billion years. He remembers…

Read more at The Village Voice

 

The photograph on the cover of Toni Morrison’s new book A Mercy shows a stern intellectual: the Nobel Prize winner, the author of novels that have changed the way America sees itself. In her work, too, she has been implacable in her determination to expose America’s forgotten past. A brilliant stroke of timing: A Mercy came out in the euphoric week of America’s presidential election last November. A historical novel set in 1690, it reminded readers that racism has deep roots in American culture, and that its effects cannot easily be made good.

Morrison in person, in the library of her hotel in Amsterdam, is a powerful presence, but not a severe one. Her gray dreadlocks are pulled back in a grandmotherly knot; her mouth is frank, her eyes mischievous. She conveys her meaning as much with intonation as with words, in a voice that’s warm and confiding and seems to crackle, like a fire for sitting close to. She’s in the Netherlands, for the first time in 25 years, as part of a European book tour. She’ll go to Milan next, then Lausanne.

When I ask if she’d mind a question about Barack Obama, Morrison laughs. “Ha! Always. I wish he’d get out of my books. Somebody said that he—his wife wears belts, and she looks nice in those, but there’s one belt apparently that she wears that he doesn’t like. He says it’s Star Trekky or something. And she said ‘Would you go fix the world and get out of my closet?’

“So everywhere I go they say ‘Obama,’ and I say, ‘Would you please…?’”

Still, they do have a political and personal connection. Despite her friendship with Hillary Clinton, Morrison publicly supported Obama for president. They hadn’t met—they still haven’t—but he phoned to ask her if she would back his campaign. “And that conversation began this way,” she says, lowering her voice: “‘Before I say anything to you, let me tell you about Song of Solomon…’” She beams with pleasure at the younger man’s admiration for her work.

“So we talked about books. And then he asked me his question, and I said no.” She didn’t want to make a public statement about the election. But friends who supported Obama eventually persuaded her to write him an open letter of endorsement.

Leaning forward to emphasize her point, she says, “I didn’t have the luxury of choosing by gender or race. That was for some other time. I had to figure out who I thought was really wise.”

America’s gendered and raced history has always been at the heart of her work, and remains so in her new novel A Mercy. Just as pundits were trying out the word “post-racial,” Morrison came out with a book about “pre-racist” America. She explains, “I wanted to go back before 1776, which is when we usually think of America starting. I wanted to see what it was like before they institutionalized and legalized racist difference. Before it was set in stone. To divorce slavery from race. Because the only thing exotic about slavery in America was racism. Slavery was common everywhere. I wanted to see if indeed there was a time when you could be a slave and un-raced, in America.”

A Mercy is about an enslaved mother who, to protect her eight-year-old daughter, gives her away. This is the charitable act of the title, but the daughter, Florens, believes her mother has rejected her, and her grief has profound consequences. Her situation is not unusual. On the isolated farm where she ends up, on the edge of the wilderness, everyone she knows is in some sense an orphan, and almost all of them, black and white, live in some form of servitude.

Morrison has been called “America’s conscience,” but it might be just as accurate to say she’s America’s alternate historian, searching out stories that have seldom been told. “History is full of gaps and silences,” she observes. “It gets nationalized and mythologized and distorted, and you just want to lift up the rock of the national narrative and see what is really underneath there. The possibility of truth is more fascinating to me than these little tired stories that every nation makes up about how wonderful they are. That’s called ‘teaching citizenship.’ I don’t mind that. But underneath there’s some much more interesting material.”

At the beginning of A Mercy, the characters form a makeshift family in the new world. But by the end, Florens has learned about racism, and the rest “have nothing to unite them.” The ending seems pessimistic, but Morrison doesn’t see it that way. Florens, she says, has “an epiphany. And if somebody knows something really important at the end of a novel that they didn’t know before, that to me is the purpose of the species. Florens figured out that she owned herself. She has to do something about that. So I thought they lived happily—not ever after, but there was a moment of recognition and maturity at the end that was not there at the beginning.”

So is there hope for a new American maturity, a national happy ending? How does Morrison feel about that term “post-racial”? “I’ve said I hated it,” she says. “But I understand what it’s driving at. It’s an inaccurate term for something that is really true. My students at Princeton are so uninterested in racism. They really are. The culture is full of black entertainers. They’ve seen black presidents before…in the movies.” She laughs. “Princeton is not the world, obviously, but I see a new comfort and ease in discussions about race. There’s less awkwardness, or attempts to slip into the discourse little signals of racial contempt.

“So maybe post-racial is the accurate term. But I’m a little cautious.”

Cautious or no, Morrison does view America differently since the election. Thirty years ago, in an interview, she said she’d never really felt like a “citizen.” It recalls Michelle Obama’s much-criticized remark that for the first time she was proud of her country.

Morrison drops her voice as if to make an embarrassing confession. “I have to admit—it’s sad, but it’s true—that I went to the inauguration. And you know, the right wing usurp the flag. They’ve taken it over. They say who’s a real American and who’s not, and they have flags everywhere. So forever I’d just sort of go, yeah, aah.” She makes dismissive sounds. “You know, not resistant, but just vaguely…not there?

“But at the inauguration, when I saw all those flags, and the military was doing its little number and singing, I thought, ‘Oh, that’s so nice. That’s beautiful.’ And when Aretha Franklin sang ‘God Bless America’ I thought, ‘Yes!’

“I was thinking, ‘Why am I enjoying stuff that doesn’t mean anything to me? I mean, in that fundamental, “yay! my country right or wrong” way?’ But suddenly I…I liked it. And that is attributable to that election. I belong in this place, was what I was saying to myself.”

Voices
“I’ve always been interested in voices that have no place, or have been silenced,” says Toni Morrison (1931). She grew up in a working-class town in Ohio, the daughter of a shipyard welder. There was not a lot of overt discrimination there, she says: blacks and immigrants lived next door to each other and “we were all just poor.” But there were still restrictions on where black people could sit in a movie theater or which beaches they could go to on Lake Erie.

Morrison studied literature and has published nine novels, including Song of Solomon (1977), about a young black man exploring his family’s past, and Beloved (1987), about a mother who kills her own infant daughter rather than see her enslaved. She lives in Princeton, New Jersey, where she taught at Princeton University until her retirement in 2006.

Trouw, May 26, 2009.

John Adams, the first United States envoy to the Netherlands, could have been the prototype for an American in Europe. When he arrived on the Continent in 1778, two years after the Colonies declared independence from England, the 42-year-old New England farmer, lawyer, and leader of the Revolution had never traveled farther from home than Philadelphia. Devout, straightforward, and plainspoken, he had no experience with diplomacy. A friend remarked that he couldn’t dress, couldn’t dance, wasn’t subtle, was “not qualified by nature or education to shine in courts.”

While Europeans found him unsophisticated, he predictably found them smooth and hypocritical. He loved European culture, particularly the theater, but had the usual American complaints: the English were chilly, the Dutch cheap, and the French didn’t wash. If he and his wife Abigail were alive today, it’s hard not to see them standing on the Dam in white sneakers, holding up a map.

John Adams was one of America’s Founding Fathers, a passionate advocate of revolution and self-governance, one of the architects of the Declaration of Independence. He would go on to become America’s first vice-president and second president. But compared to the tall, patrician war hero George Washington, the Enlightenment intellectual Thomas Jefferson, and the inventor and libertine Ben Franklin, the idealistic, hardworking, monogamous Adams has always seemed a little dull. There are no poems or legends about him. He never got his picture on a coin or bill.

Historian David McCullough, in his best-selling biography “John Adams,” has not only rediscovered Adams, he has brought him back as a politician for our time. The truth is, Americans like to see themselves in white sneakers. Like Adams, they prefer to think of themselves as forthright, practical, not too concerned with appearances. Besides, what better consolation for Americans in the Clinton and Bush years than a thoroughly honest president who never told a lie, had an affair, or otherwise blotted his copybook?

McCullough is the author of several books of what might be called “Dad’s birthday” history, including biographies of presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Harry S Truman. A highly readable writer, he finds in Adams not only a hero but a surprisingly page-turning subject. The book opens with two lonely travelers on horseback in the snow, then goes on in that style, making the most of the adventures the era offered: storms at sea, engagements with the enemy, and passionate debates in the Continental Congress, where Jefferson recalled that Adams, in his final argument for independence, spoke “with a power of thought and expression that moved us from our seats.”

Born in 1735 in Braintree, Massachusetts, near Boston, Adams was a fourth-generation American who deeply felt his connections with his Puritan forebears. (In Holland, he was moved to tears to see the Pilgrims’ church in Leyden.) He was also an ambitious young lawyer with a broad knowledge of Greek, Roman, French, and English philosophy and political thought. That knowledge would help him draw up a constitution for the new State of Massachusetts—a document that became a model for America’s constitution. Idealistic and not without vanity, the young Adams saw the law as a way to fulfill his lofty dreams: “to assist the feeble and friendless, to discountenance the haughty and lawless, to procure redress to wrongs, the advancement of right, to assert and maintain liberty and virtue, to discourage and abolish tyranny and vice.”

At the same time, he had a literary side that he indulged in journals and constant correspondence. This is what makes Adams such a great biography subject: what he lacks in color, he makes up for many times over in openness. He wrote frank, likeable letters to his many friends and colleagues. He wrote more pedantic letters, full of advice, to his four children, including his eldest son, the later president John Quincy.

Most of all he wrote to his wife a remarkable figure in her own right. Abigail Adams was a a sort of Hillary or Michelle avant la lettre, and with her John had a lifelong love affair. While he was away on political business, for months or years at a time, she ran the farm, cheered for the Revolution, and kept up her own correspondence with Adams’s political colleagues. While they were together, she was his most important political adviser.

He was a family man, and when he came to Holland he brought with him his two eldest sons, then 13 and 11. This may have been unwise: while John Quincy thrived as a diplomat brat, Charles Adams was homesick, or perhaps felt he couldn’t live up to his parents’ high expectations. (Charming but feckless, he eventually drank himself into an early grave.) Adams ultimately spent two years in Amsterdam, trying to persuade the States-General to grant political recognition to the United States.

Though he liked the practical-minded Dutch better than the French or English, getting them to commit was a frustrating exercise: They were already smuggling arms to the Colonies but didn’t want war with England. He succeeded only after the British Army’s dramatic surrender at Yorktown. Adams never knew whether it was his efforts or the British loss that made the difference, but the Dutch recognition, and a line of credit from Dutch banks, changed the course of history. To a friend he wrote, “Thanks to God that he gave me stubbornness when I know I am right.”

As president (1797-1801) he was less successful. Back in America, he was now seen as “corrupted” by Europe, particularly in his desire for a strong central government. McCullough praises his political judgment: before anyone else, Adams predicted the French Revolution was going to go sour. As president he managed to avert a war with France, assessing, correctly, that the French threats were not serious. But he served only one term before he was defeated for re-election by the charismatic Jefferson.

Above all else, McCullough’s Adams is a dedicated public servant, the man who wrote, “Our obligations to our country never cease but with our lives.” McCullough gives us an old-fashioned study of moral principles, a portrait of the courage and perseverance of a Great Man. He sticks closely to Adams’s own experience, never turning aside for long to examine the people and events in his shadow. One reason the book is such a lively read is that McCullough hardly ever stops to speculate or ask difficult questions.

“John Adams” stands in dramatic contrast to another recent work of history, Annette Gordon-Reed’s Pulitzer Prize-winning “The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family.” In that book, Gordon-Reed chronicles the lives of Thomas Jefferson’s slave and life partner Sally Hemings, her family (she was his late wife’s half-sister), and her six children, probably all fathered by Jefferson. Because Sally Hemings lived on the margins of history and left no written record, Gordon-Reed’s book is nothing but shadows and questions.

Yet the two kinds of history—Great Men and little lives—don’t cancel each other out. It’s fascinating to read in “The Hemingses of Monticello” about the figures in the wings, the women and enslaved people who were still waiting for their War of Independence. But the single-minded focus of “John Adams” takes nothing away from McCullough’s achievement.

John Adams Slept Here
David McCullough’s “John Adams” has inspired several new Adams projects since its publication in English in 2001. In 2008, it was made into a 7-part TV miniseries starring Paul Giamatti as John and Laura Linney as his steadfast and politically savvy wife Abigail. Visitors to the Adams home near Boston can watch performers re-enacting the lives of John and Abigail. And in the Netherlands, too, Adams has become easier to trace. Although the first American embassy in the world, on the Fluwelen Burgwal in The Hague, has been demolished, the house Adams rented on Keizersgracht 529 in Amsterdam was marked with a plaque in 2004.

In 2005, the John Adams Institute, Amsterdam’s independent center for American culture, published a small Dutch-language book called “John Adams in Holland.” With essays by Hella S. Haasse and others, it goes into more detail on Adams’s adventures in the Netherlands. Adams had a strong influence on the Dutch Patriots, including his friend Joan Derk van der Capellen, an idiosyncratic champion of equal rights and democracy. In 1782, Adams was invited by the Frisian Patriot movement to celebrate the Fourth of July in the university town of Franeker, with fireworks and parades. Friesland was the first of the Dutch provinces to vote in favor of recognizing the United States, and this would have been one of the world’s first Fourth of July parties. But Adams was too busy to come.

Nothing much ever came of the Dutch democratic movement. Van der Capellen died in 1784. An uprising in 1787, two years before the French Revolution, was suppressed, not by the ineffectual stadtholder Willem V, but by his wife, Princess Wilhelmina, and her brother, the King of Prussia, at the head of the Prussian Army. Eight years later, in 1795, the Dutch Patriots established the short-lived Batavian Republic and invited France to occupy the Netherlands. By 1815, over 20,000 Dutch conscripts had died in Napoleon’s Russian campaign, Napoleon had closed the university at Franeker, the British had gained control of the Dutch settlements in Sri Lanka and South Africa, and the Netherlands had become what it had never been in all its history: a monarchy.

If Adams, who loved astronomy, had gone to Franeker, he would almost certainly have met the patriot and amateur astronomer Eise Eisinga. But he missed his chance.

Published in shorter form in Trouw, April 25, 2009. David McCullough, John Adams (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001; Amsterdam: Ambo, 2009). Annette Gordon-Reed, The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family (New York: W.W. Norton, 2008). Jan Willem Schulte Nordholt, Hella S. Haasse, and Willebrord Nieuwenhuis, John Adams in Holland 1780-2005 (Amsterdam: John Adams Institute/Cossee, 2005).

The “home” Marilynne Robinson writes about in her new novel looks at first like an American cliché of contentment: a little Midwestern farm town in the 1950s, and in it the large, comfortable house of the widowed reverend Robert Boughton. In this house in Gilead, Iowa, he and his wife raised their eight children, Boughton’s pride and joy. Yet when we’re told, on the very first page, that “the house embodied for him the general blessedness of his life, which was manifest, really indisputable,” we know Robinson plans to dispute the reverend’s blessings.

Boughton’s children have found homes for themselves elsewhere. They meet at their father’s house for holidays, immersing themselves in nostalgia at the sight of the same books, the same furniture in the same places. But when Glory, at 38 the youngest Boughton child, returns alone, permanently, to care for her dying father, her heart sinks as she crosses the threshold. “The past was a very fine thing, in its place,” Glory thinks. “To have it overrun its bounds and become present and possibly future too—they all knew this was a thing to be regretted.”

The other sibling who comes back in the same summer of 1956 is the prodigal son, the one blight on the Boughtons’ happiness. As a child, Jack Boughton kept to himself. As a teenager, he drank and stole. As a young man, he fathered and deserted an illegitimate infant who later died. This finally broke his father’s heart, and Glory’s. He hasn’t been home since; it’s been 20 years.

“Home” is the second novel Robinson has written about these characters. The first, “Gilead,” describes the same events, but from a different point of view, that of Boughton’s friend and colleague John Ames. Though the two books are very different, they have in common Robinson’s stunningly beautiful writing and wise moral questioning. A practicing Christian and admirer of John Calvin, Robinson takes a calvinist’s pleasure in debating right and wrong. So while Ames appears to be a peaceful country pastor, at every turn Robinson asks us to question his choices—especially on the subject of racism. In “Gilead” we learn that Jack is now married to a black woman, that they have a son, and that he has come home looking for a place where the three of them can live together safely. We already know that Ames will disappoint him.

In “Home,” Reverend Boughton too falls short. Along with her explorations of race and religion, Robinson now turns her eye on that Christian institution, the family. “Home” asks what the members of a family owe each other, and whether or not they can give each other what they need. Boughton loves wayward, troublemaking Jack the best of all his children, and is always ready to forgive him. But he can’t understand him, and what Jack needs most, acceptance, he is too old and stubborn to concede.

Like “Gilead,” “Home” is a slow-moving, contemplative book whose power is in Robinson’s ability to imply longing and promise beneath each word. Everything in and around the house, from the living room chairs to the iris beds in the garden, seems numinous; every conversation feels like the tip of an emotional iceberg. In fact, Robinson keeps her characters under such tight control that it’s a relief when the explosion finally comes.

On the family’s new television set, Jack has been following the Montgomery, Alabama, bus boycott, led by Martin Luther King, Jr., and Rosa Parks. When he sees, on the news, images of the police turning fire hoses and dogs on the peaceful protesters, he swears: “Jesus Christ!”

His father, who doesn’t know about Jack’s wife, reprimands Jack for his language, then takes the side of the police. “The Apostle Paul says we should do everything ‘decently and in order.’ You can’t have people running around the streets like that,” he says. Besides, “there’s no reason to let trouble like that upset you. In six months nobody will remember one thing about it.”

Boughton’s complacency about racism—his moral cowardice, even—is one of his faults. Another is his inability to let Jack go. He can’t stop demanding a Boughton family harmony that Jack will never be able to deliver. “It is in family,” he says, “that we most often feel the grace of God, His faithfulness.” And yet this family is much less joyful and secure than its patriarch believes, because it leaves Jack, and lonely Glory too, out in the cold. Robinson seems to echo the classic moral question raised by Dostoyevsky and William James: Suppose a happy and peaceful society (or, in this case, family) could be established whose only price was the torment of just one child? Would you be willing to live there?

Robinson “cheats,” if that’s the word, by setting “Home” in the 1950s, when fathering a child out of wedlock was still a sin and alcoholism a vice rather than a disease. This lets her talk about her characters in moral and Biblical instead of psychological terms. Though Robinson’s descriptions of the wary, aloof, but basically decent Jack are elegant and convincing, he seems at times more like a theological problem than a three-dimensional person. You have to take on faith that Jack can be understood through the stories of Jacob and Esau and the Prodigal Son, and by words such as “faith,” “grace,” and “mystery.”

If you can do this, if you can trust in Robinson’s eye and her prose, you’ll be rewarded with fiction about as beautiful and intelligent as it gets.

Trouw, March 21, 2009. Marilynne Robinson, Home (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2008); Thuis (Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers, 2009).

Love Letters in a Networked Age

O, darling of mine, my God, how you make me happy! O, this letter, this letter from you, that I kiss and kiss…O, that you love me—that you love me too, and said so… O, bliss, o, bliss, that I am something in your life.
–Jeanne Reyneke van Stuwe to Willem Kloos, April 1899

I think I must have been the last person in the developed world still writing love letters. By 19th-century standards (see above), I don’t suppose they were very romantic. J. and I were children of a less gushy, more cynical age. We had already gone way beyond kissing each other’s letters, but felt we were being very daring—stepping over an invisible line of appropriate distance and refusal to hope—on the rare occasions when we wrote “I love you.”

The point is, we wrote letters. Long ones, handwritten, with stamps. We kept track of last pickup times, ran downstairs when we heard the mail slot bang. We were patient: to send a letter and get its transatlantic answer took at least ten days. The phone, at a dollar a minute, was out of the question.

When one of J.’s letters came, I would carry it around with me for days. At quiet moments I would take it out, gaze at my own address written in his long-legged, beautiful hand, unfold the pages, and reread them. Sometimes J. sent me drawings or photos. Once he sent me flowers: he cut out, pasted onto paper, and mailed me the side of a milk carton with tulips on it. The day I lost one of J.’s illustrated postcards in the subway on my way home, I was as distraught as I would be now if my hard disk crashed.

If we had met now, and not 15 years ago, we wouldn’t be writing letters. We would be instant messaging, Skyping, taking out our iPhones to gaze at each other’s houses on Google Earth or Street View. We would e-mail links and photos, add each other’s local weather to our start page, friend each other on Facebook. We would exchange a lot of data.

We probably wouldn’t have missed letter-writing. Attachment to the letter as a physical object—isn’t that really just nostalgia? Writing letters is like listening to your old LPs: you like the way they look, you’re sentimental about their vinyl pop and scratch. But the music is the same.

Sometimes I wonder, though. J. and I are shy people. We felt safer on the page. In the digital world, would we still have gotten to know each other? Would it still have felt like a conversation?

The conversation on paper was, is, the magic of the letter. It’s why we write them, and it’s why we love to read other people’s. Later on, when I worked on a biography, I read folder after folder of my subject’s mail. Often it was like watching a passionate two-character play. The correspondents usually began as strangers and got to know each other over time. They gossiped, argued, made abrupt confessions, helped each other work out ideas, fell out, became friends.

A good letter-writer is a performer, playing a role for an audience of one. But performance can, paradoxically, lead to honesty, and distance enable greater frankness than a face-to-face talk. Belle van Zuylen, one of the all-time great literary flirts, wrote to Constant d’Hermenches in 1764, “I can’t speak to you the same way I can write to you. When I speak to you I see a man before me, a man with whom I have conversed no more than ten times in my life. It’s only natural that I should be thrown into confusion and not dare say certain words…”

We all know that feeling. Teenagers often have it; it’s one reason they would rather text each other than call. Could Belle van Zuylen still have flirted if she’d had a webcam? Would J. and I, through the static of Skype, still have told each other the truth about ourselves?

I miss the frankness of letters. But what I miss even more is the patience. Any letter, to anyone—I wrote a lot to friends in those days, too—took time. It had to be composed. You felt like you had to fill the paper down to the end; if you got to the bottom and weren’t quite done, you might continue along one side or add a note in the top margin. To achieve that feeling of a conversation, you had to think about what you wanted to say.

In his Atlantic article “Is Google Making Us Stupid?” technology journalist Nicholas Carr writes that since he started using the Internet, he has become so used to skipping from link to link that he has lost the knack of reading. “I get fidgety, lose the thread, begin looking for something else to do. I feel as if I’m always dragging my wayward brain back to the text.”

In the same way, I’ve lost the knack of letter-writing. I find myself skipping, not just from link to link, but from friend to friend. Many of my friends are links, on a social networking site. I keep in touch with more people than ever, but superficially. Even e-mail often feels too time-consuming or too intimate. To write a long message is almost bad manners. It’s a breach of the most important rule of modern etiquette: don’t take up other people’s time.

Many people I know, including me, now communicate by posting notes for their entire social circle to read. The other day, I mentioned in an e-mail to a friend 3,000 miles away that a mutual acquaintance had had dinner at my house. He wrote back, “I know. I read it on her blog.”

Without the focus that the individual letter demands, we spread ourselves widely but thinly among our friends. If I miss the letter, it’s partly because I’m worried that, in the words of New York playwright Richard Foreman, we’re turning into “pancake people.”

I haven’t written a love letter in years. To say something to J. now, all I need to do is cross the room. But I don’t think I say as much to him now as I said then. We used to spend hours alone with each other—an ocean, two mail carriers, and 80 cents in stamps apart, joined by a piece of paper.

It was paper that gave us the courage to be something in each other’s lives.

Trouw, January 3, 2009. The two excerpts from love letters are from Nelleke Noordervliet, “Ik kan het niet langer verbergen: over liefdesbrieven” (Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 1993). The translations are mine.

Like so many mysteries, it started with a body. While Russell Shorto was working on The Island at the Center of the World, his best-selling history of New York City’s Dutch origins, he came across a footnote about René Descartes. Specifically, it was about what happened to the French philosopher’s body after his death in 1650.

Descartes was one of the great philosophers of modernity, the first to propose that the mind and the body, reason and faith, could be seen as two separate spheres. Yet when his remains were exhumed in 1666, they were divided on the same lines as his own mind-body problem. His skull was stolen and placeDescartesd in a cabinet of scientific curiosities. His bones were buried in a church in Paris, where they were revered by his followers as if they were the relics of a saint. When he learned this, Shorto began to wonder whether the line between religion and the Enlightenment was as clear as it seemed.

Descartes spent most of his working life in the Netherlands, so Shorto came here to do research for the book that became Descartes’ Bones: A Skeletal History of the Conflict between Faith and Reason (Doubleday, 2008). Since 2007, he has lived in Amsterdam full-time. Just back to his apartment on the Oudezijds Voorburgwal from a book tour in the United States, he talked about history, modernity and why an atheist can’t win an American election.

Why this book?
I think I first encountered this fact about the bones in 2003—not long after September 11, 2001. Everybody was saying, ‘Apparently Western values are under attack.’ But what are Western values? This book was my non-standard way of trying to go at that question.

The whole problem of September 11, and now basically the entire Bush years, has been this rise of fundamentalism around the world: Muslim, Christian, and also secular atheist. You have people like [Richard] Dawkins and [Christopher] Hitchens saying, ‘Look, in the West, in the past few hundred years, we’ve developed these tools, this way of seeing things, and we’ve learned that religion is part of the infancy of our species. We need to grow up.’

But as I detail in the book, it’s not a black-and-white question of the theological versus the secular perspective. Really there are two secular perspectives, one radical and one moderate. And the moderate has always seen it as the job of reason to incorporate the irrational into our understanding of things. Because reason isn’t something that fits over all of reality, and certainly not over all of human experience.

That’s what I think is the flaw in the whole Christopher Hitchens argument. It’s reductionist. It’s too wild a world.
I can understand saying that organized religion has created more problems than it’s solved. But the underlying essence of trying to contemplate things that are beyond reason’s ability to contemplate—that’s why we have religion and art. Those things are valid.

I think this conflict helps explain why people are looking forward so much to this election. They see Bush as having been very much a player in this battle of fundamentalisms that egg each other on, and they are looking for some other way of approaching things.

So which candidate represents the move away from fundamentalism?
I think you can explain both Obama and McCain that way. McCain is a very strange choice for the Republicans; he’s a kind of non-Republican. He’s always kept the Christian conservative wing at bay—until recently. And I think Obama’s a pragmatist; he’s not a real ideologue either. In both of them, as well as in the overall spirit of the times, there’s this hunger to move on, past this kind of pointed dichotomy [between religion and atheism]. That’s Descartes’ bones in the election, as far as I’m concerned.

Do you think we could have an American president who was an atheist or didn’t go to church?
No.

Why not?
Well, that’s such a huge difference between Americans and Europeans, but—Americans’ faith is public, it’s part of the public discourse, and that’s held to be good. Because Americans are overwhelmingly religious, it’s part of your bio, part of your résumé. It certainly doesn’t matter to me, but I think it would be very hard [for an atheist] to get elected. Maybe in 10 or 20 years, but I don’t know. Americans are very stubborn on that point.

Your first book was about the search for the historical Jesus, the second about religion and psychiatry. And you studied philosophy. Did you have personal reasons to write Descartes’ Bones?
I was born and raised Catholic, and left it very dramatically when I was a teenager. So my first book was a way for me to come back at it from a rational perspective—and to reach this conclusion, that you can be as rational as you want, but you’re not going to get that thing, that leap. So this basic divide between reason and faith has always been a challenge for me.

And for some people, history matters. Like that building across the canal. [He points out his front windows.] Some people will walk by and say, ‘Oh, that’s nice.’ Others will feel, or want to feel, a connection to everything that’s come before. And I think I have that—at least intermittently.

So that’s always an important part of what I do as a writer: try to find out what’s underneath. I don’t think I’m going to unearth anything of grand importance, but just for myself, if I’m going to try to know a thing, I want to get down as far as I can.

You’re thinking of writing a book about Amsterdam, aren’t you?
Yes, one that would mix history with the present.

And you’re working on a book with Geert Mak?
A very small book. He and I have each written an essay about Henry Hudson for the Hudson Year, 2009 [the 400th anniversary of the discovery of New York]. He did the first part, using Hudson in Amsterdam as a way to talk about the Dutch world in the 17th century. And then he kind of pushes him out to sea, and I pick him up there and bring him to New York. The book will be given out free on KLM flights between Amsterdam and New York.

What do you think of the claim, in recent Dutch debates about history, that establishing a Dutch historical canon and teaching the country’s history in schools unfairly excludes immigrants?
I think that’s completely silly. If you’re, say, Peruvian, and you come to the Netherlands, it’s absurd to think that Dutch history should somehow include the history of Peru, in order to make you feel that you’re part of things. Your job is to hold together your own personality and sense of things, and you do that by taking in what this culture gives you and blending it with what you learn from your parents, and the books your mother gives you about your home country, and all of that. You have your own identity that you piece together, and what this society chooses to do in terms of reinforcing its history and culture is part of that. It’s not the whole thing.

I think it’s useful to have some kind of canon, something that gives a basic awareness. All the information kids take in on the internet, for instance—that’s not education, that’s just stuff. It’s not the same as providing a framework.
Canons are good even if mostly what you do is react against them. It’s good to have structure.

That’s what you do in your book, too: provide a framework for thinking about the Enlightenment.
Exactly.

Amsterdam Weekly, November 6, 2008. We spoke on Nov. 3, when we didn’t yet know that Barack Obama would win the election in America.

The poets Elizabeth Bishop and Robert Lowell met in 1947 at a New York dinner party held by Randall Jarrell. She was 36 and had just published her first book of poems. He was 30 and had just won a Pulitzer Prize. Later, she wrote that she’d gone to the party with “fear and trembling.”

“Then Lowell arrived and I loved him at first sight. . . .

http://www.villagevoice.com/2008-10-29/books/a-great-poetic-twosome-the-elizabeth-bishop-robert-lowell-letters/

“People who shuttle between cultures are very, very hard to describe”

Lisa Jardine’s new book Going Dutch: How England Plundered Holland’s Glory (HarperPress, 2008) opens in 1688 with the coup that put Holland’s William of Orange on the throne of England. The “Glorious Revolution,” the British historian and biographer argues, was not a revolution at all, but a Dutch conquest. She proceeds, through personal and public documents, to trace the bonds between the two countries: connections of commerce, political asylum, intermarriage, and artistic, musical and scientific exchange.

Like her American counterpart Russell Shorto, Jardine believes that, although the Dutch “handed on” their political and cultural supremacy to the English, their notions of religious and ethnic tolerance persist to this day in European culture. Interviewed by phone from her home in London, she saw the question about Dutch tolerance coming from a mile off, and answered it almost before I asked.

As a public intellectual, you’ve dealt with a lot of issues that are hotly debated in the Netherlands, from the ethics of embryology to the question of why women don’t win literary prizes. About the question of tolerance—
I do believe—and call me a romantic—that the Netherlands continues to set a better example of tolerance than other European nations. And to the extent that Europe is tolerant, you might want to reflect on whether that tradition is Dutch.
I know perfectly well where the Netherlands finds itself now; I spend quite a lot of time there. But even so—you know, there’s a sort of note of triumph when the rest of Europe points its finger and says, “You see, even the Dutch can’t manage.” Because the Netherlands appeared to stand for inclusion and tolerance, other European nations were only too happy to see her falter. But whether that’s a stumble or an actual change, I think we have to wait and see.

In writing about cultural exchange, did you think about your own background as the child of immigrants?
Yes. My father came from Poland and my mother from Latvia, as economic migrants to Britain. It gives me a particular way of seeing European culture. Europeans have so much in common that I find it increasingly perplexing that we still put in place narrow boundaries: “Dutch culture,” “English culture.” The more you delve, historically, the more you discover a constant two-way exchange, going back as far as you can reach.

The nation is a fairly late invention. Do you think we’re emerging from a nationalist period into a more international one?
I do. And I think it’s good to recognize that this is not the first time it’s happened. We’re gradually starting to realize that nationhood doesn’t do justice to the way Europeanness has existed over a long period of time.

There’s one figure in particular you say was regarded as a “turncoat” for his dual loyalties. Can crossing borders also be seen as negative?
That’s why I struggle with Constantijn Huygens, who’s a major character in my book. It’s very difficult to classify someone who has made an impact in more than one country more than once. Until we can stop thinking in these channels of individual countries, it will be impossible to write a biography of him.

Because you don’t know how to look at him as a character?
We have very conventional ways of looking at people. They involve a birthplace, a childhood, an education, a career, a marriage in that same community or not very far away—it’s a steadiness of focus. And people who shuttle between cultures are very, very hard to describe in that way. What to one person seems like an inspired innovation can seem to others like a betrayal.

I got into difficulties when I wrote a piece for radio about Ayaan Hirsi Ali, at the time at which she left the Netherlands. I continue to receive two sets of e-mails: one set from people who regard me as her champion, and another from people who say, “You see, she turned out to be a very bad thing after all.” And I know there’s no way of reconciling those two.

Where should inspiration come from at this point? Should we keep looking to the Netherlands as an example?
Well, one of the themes of my book is that the Golden Age is over three centuries gone, and yet Dutch cultural influence pervades Europe and beyond. And I suppose in the end my hope for any group is that their greatest achievements, in art, literature, music, gardens, spread widely like a net, part of what holds us all together.

Holland has not been “great” for 300 years, but look how pervasive she is, look how important her attitudes and beliefs. We’re going to be there too, and I would be quite happy if that was where Britain stood in 300 years’ time.

On June 19, Jardine will read at the John Adams Institute, with Shorto moderating.

Amsterdam Weekly, June 12, 2008.